Daily Analysis

Recent happenings in Ghana and Liberia show the long-suffering nature of post-war hardship, especially for affected populations. The Liberian Civil Wars, which both took place between 1989-2003, saw the forced migration of thousands of Liberians to various parts of West Africa. By May 1990, thousands of refugees had arrived in Ghana through flights meant to pick up Ghanaian nationals from conflict zones. The Liberian refugee situation in Ghana has been on for a while, and the latter’s local authorities in Buduburam, where the refugees settled, had long sought to demolish the camps for reasons that border on land ownership and business pursuits that are hindered by the presence of the refugees.

During the thirty-four years of occupation, refugees in the Buduburam camp built lives, businesses, and churches and sought education for their wards. Many Liberians living there were born in it, so the reality of the returnees has become all the more complex. In 2000, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) cut humanitarian aid to Liberian refugees and in 2010, the Ghanaian Refugee Board reached an agreement with the UNHRC to close Buduburam as a refugee camp and offered options to either remain in Ghana or return to Liberia. Ten years of providing humanitarian assistance to refugees is commendable work. However, the economic opportunities available to refugees make the cessation of human aid seem malicious. Despite limited economic opportunities and lack of adequate social amenities in Buduburam, Liberians living there pushed forward.

The demolition of the camp has left thousands of Liberians homeless in Ghana, a partial repetition of the tragedy once suffered in their home country. The options available to them are stark and require rebuilding their lives from scratch. For refugees who have returned to Liberia, access to resources necessary to settle down is few, and a refugee camp/humanitarian need situation is unfurling a second time. Returnees have had to settle in congested shelters with poor sanitary and health conditions while awaiting settlement into society. For many returnees, life in Ghana was more predictable than their current realities and leaving was not on the cards before the Buduburam demolition. This adversity is not suffered by returnees alone but also by the refugees who have been unable to repatriate to Liberia and are left stranded in Ghana.

The issue with the Liberian repatriation is primarily economic. With 52 per cent of the nation’s population regarded as multidimensionally poor and another 23 per cent considered vulnerable, according to a report released by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the capacity of Liberia to reintegrate returnees into its economy is weak. It is for this same reason that refugees in other countries, even Ghana, are hesitant to return to Liberia. Research carried out by Forced Migration Review showed that economic reintegration efforts by the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO) failed because entrepreneurship and skill-training programmes were not supplemented with capital to kickstart business ventures.

In handling the returnee situation, it is crucial to set up cohesive humanitarian schemes in repatriated countries to reintegrate returnees adequately into economic and social spaces. Such humanitarian schemes will also ensure that Liberians stranded in other countries have a reliable reintegration system whenever they return. The post-effects of conflict are deep-rooted, and the chasm created by the Liberian civil war is vast. The need for a rigorous reintegration system that targets various parts of a returnee’s affairs is necessary for rebuilding Liberia and recovering from the effects of the war.

Over the years, Nigeria has been besieged by numerous violent conflicts. These range from banditry to insurgencies and other violent conflicts. For the insurgency, the Nigerian government’s primary response has been military operations and collaboration with neighbouring countries through the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF). The MNJTF, composes of troops from Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, and Niger, aims to weaken the operational capabilities of Boko Haram and other militant groups through coordinated attacks and intelligence sharing. These joint efforts have led to significant territorial gains against Boko Haram, reclaiming major strongholds and reducing the group’s capacity to launch large-scale attacks.

Despite some successes, challenges such as inadequate funding, corruption, and logistical issues have hindered the full effectiveness of these military operations. Nigeria’s primary counterinsurgency campaign, Operation Lafiya Dole, has deployed thousands of military personnel to the North East. This operation has employed aggressive offensive tactics, including airstrikes and ground assaults, to dismantle Boko Haram’s infrastructure. The Nigerian military has also utilised technology such as drones for surveillance and precision strikes. ​

On the non-military approach, Nigeria has engaged in various peace talks and reconciliation efforts to reduce violence and foster long-term stability. For example, in the North Central, local peace processes have been initiated to address bandits, which have been a significant source of violence. These efforts often involve establishing state peacebuilding agencies such as  Kaduna State Peace Commission (KSPC) and Plateau Peace Building Agency. These agencies work closely with traditional and community leaders to mediate disputes and create sustainable peace agreements. In addition to peace talks, Nigeria has implemented non-military strategies such as deradicalisation, rehabilitation, and reintegration programs for former militants. These programmes aim to address the root causes of extremism by providing education, vocational training, and psychological support to reintegrate former fighters into society. This dual approach, combining force with dialogue and social support, seeks to create a more comprehensive solution to the complex issue of insurgency.

Significant challenges towards tackling insecurity remain despite the notable successes in reducing violence through these combined strategies. For instance, the proliferation of small arms provides an easy means for individuals and groups to engage in violence. These weapons often find their way into the hands of non-state actors, including insurgent groups, militias, and criminal organisations, fuelling insecurity, especially insurgency in the North East. Economic disparities and ethnic and religious tensions continue to fuel conflict, such as the unending ethno-religious conflict in Kaduna. Moreover, political interests and corruption sometimes undermine peacebuilding efforts, as seen in the inconsistent handling of ransom payments and the politicisation of ethnic conflicts.

Despite these challenges, there have been positive developments. For instance, peace processes in regions like Plateau and Kaduna State have shown promise, with local communities reaching agreements to halt violence and cooperate on conflict prevention. These local efforts, supported by state agencies and international organisations, highlight the importance of grassroots involvement and the need for tailored solutions to Nigeria’s diverse security threats.

There is a need for both kinetic and non-kinetic approaches to address insecurity. Firstly, there is a need to strengthen non-kinetic approaches through peace talks and reconciliation efforts. On the kinetic front, there is a need to increase the deployment of military personnel in high-risk areas to maintain pressure on insurgent groups and prevent their resurgence. Furthermore, there is a need to support and expand local community policing and neighbourhood watch programs to enhance security at the grassroots level. Nigeria’s dual strategy of combining military force with diplomatic and non-military measures represents a comprehensive approach to addressing terrorism and insurgency. Military actions aim to weaken insurgent groups directly, and diplomatic efforts and non-military strategies focus on addressing the root causes of violence and fostering long-term peace. While progress has been made, sustained efforts and international support are crucial to overcoming the ongoing challenges and achieving lasting peace.

Nigeria’s North West region, long plagued by banditry and kidnapping, faces potentially more dangerous risks. Recent reports from the Clingendael Institute, a Dutch think tank, allege that jihadi fighters linked to Al-Qaeda, are operating in the region after crossing the border from neighbouring Benin. The report suggests they have reportedly settled in Kainji Lake National Park, a vast and ungoverned territory. This development raises serious security concerns for Nigeria, with ripple effects throughout West Africa. In 2020, the International Crisis Group warned that North West Nigeria could soon become a corridor for Sahelian extremists. These speculations are fast becoming a chilling reality for Nigeria.

In 2023, a Hudson Institute report revealed that Nigerian extremists had advanced further into North West and Central Nigeria than previously known. This followed incidents of extremists from Burkina Faso entering Nigeria in 2020 and efforts to establish a foothold in Benin toward Nigeria from March to June 2022. Although in its early stages, there are signs of a presence of violent extremists along the Nigeria-Benin border. Data from the Clingendael Institute indicates a peak in the movement of unidentified armed groups along Benin’s border with Nigeria in 2023. Alarmingly, multiple groups appear to be involved, with substantial evidence indicating that some include extremists from both the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin.

The Clingendael report highlights the porous nature of West Africa’s borders, a vulnerability readily exploited by armed groups. In 2013, Abba Moro, Nigeria’s former Minister of Interior, disclosed over 1,499 irregular/illegal identified entry routes into the country, indicating the vulnerabilities of the security theatre in Nigeria. The motives of these Sahelian jihadists in Nigeria remain unclear. However, the implications are stark. Speculations suggest they seek a haven for fundraising and logistical support, potentially aiming to exploit the region’s thriving illegal trade networks. More worryingly, it could foster cooperation between the Sahelian fighters and existing Nigerian militant groups, creating a more potent extremist force. While banditry remains the more immediate violent conflicts threat in the North West, jihadi infiltration presents a new and potentially deadlier long-term challenge. Their presence risks radicalising local grievances, further destabilising the region. The spectre of collaboration between jihadists and bandits could create a formidable insurgent force. The country already grapples with Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) in the North East. The influx of Sahelian fighters could bolster these existing insurgencies, significantly escalating the violence and complexity of the conflict.

Curtailing this threat must take centre stage. Bolstering border security with Benin is crucial. Increased patrols, improved intelligence gathering, and enhanced cooperation between security forces are vital. Addressing the root causes of banditry and radicalisation is also essential. Investment in education, economic development, and grievance resolution programmes in the North West can help stem the tide of discontent that jihadists exploit. Additionally, Nigeria must strengthen regional cooperation. Sharing intelligence and coordinating military operations with neighbouring countries like Chad and Niger, who have experience combating jihadist insurgencies, can prove invaluable. The Multinational Joint Taskforce (MNJTF) operation between Nigeria, Niger, Benin, Cameroon, and Chad must be strengthened and more resources allocated towards ensuring that the operations continue to run seamlessly. Finally, a focus on the deradicalisation programmes and countering extremist narratives online is crucial to weaken the militants’ ideological grip.

The ramifications of this development extend well beyond Nigeria’s borders, posing a significant threat to the stability of the entire West African region. The spectre of a strengthened jihadi presence in West Africa jeopardises regional security and could potentially destabilise neighbouring countries. This evolving threat comes at a critical time for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a regional bloc already grappling with complex challenges in its efforts to foster economic cooperation and ensure collective security. Therefore, ECOWAS member states urgently need to enhance their coordination and collaboration in counterterrorism efforts. The effectiveness of their collective response will be pivotal in containing and eventually reversing the tide of extremism. This includes sharing intelligence, conducting joint military operations, and harmonising legal frameworks to prosecute and deter extremist activities. Furthermore, a unified regional strategy will be essential in addressing the root causes of extremism, such as poverty, unemployment, and political marginalisation, which extremists often exploit to gain support. The arrival of Sahelian jihadi fighters in North West Nigeria is a cause for serious concern. However, with a well-coordinated response that addresses both security and development needs, Nigeria can contain this threat and prevent the North West from becoming a new haven for jihadist extremism. A comprehensive approach that combines military, economic, and socio-political measures is required to counter this growing menace effectively. The success of these efforts will not only safeguard Nigeria but will also contribute to the overall peace and stability of West Africa, reinforcing ECOWAS’s role as a cornerstone of regional unity and security.

Lagos, Nigeria’s bustling commercial capital, is currently facing a cholera outbreak that threatens the safety and health of the Lagos populace and Nigeria at large. Over the years, there have been cholera outbreaks in various parts of the country, mostly in areas affected by violent conflicts. According to a cholera situation report released by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDC), as of June 2, 2024, thirty states in Nigeria have reported suspected cases of cholera.

Several factors have contributed to the spread of cholera in Lagos. Many parts of the city suffer from inadequate sanitation facilities. Open defecation and poor waste management practices lead to the contamination of water sources with cholera bacteria. Access to clean and safe drinking water is limited, with contaminated water sources serving as a primary vehicle for cholera transmission. The high population density in Lagos facilitates the rapid spread of infectious diseases, and overburdened healthcare facilities with limited access to medical care hinder the prompt treatment of cholera cases.

In response to this crisis, the government of Lagos state has taken several steps to control the cholera outbreak, such as distributing Oral Rehydration Solutions (ORS) and public orientation campaigns to create awareness and prevent future occurrences. However, the efforts of the Lagos state government alone will not do much to combat cholera in Nigeria. The federal government needs to collaborate with all state governments to build and maintain proper sanitation facilities to stop open defecation and improve waste disposal systems. Expanding access to clean and safe drinking water is essential, including treating existing water sources and developing new, safe water. This way, the water sources carrying cholera bacteria are treated at their sources. Public health campaigns to sensitise the population about the importance of handwashing with soap and proper drinking water treatment can also significantly reduce transmission.

Collaborating with international humanitarian organisations such as the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), who have worked actively to end cholera in Nigeria, will ensure expertise in combating the disease. Community involvement is another critical aspect of managing the outbreak. Training and deploying community health volunteers can help educate the public, monitor the situation, and distribute hygiene supplies. Engaging local leaders and community groups in the fight against cholera can improve compliance with public health measures and foster community-driven solutions. The cholera outbreak in Lagos is a public health emergency that requires urgent and coordinated action. The consequences of a full-blown epidemic will be chaotic for Nigerians and Nigeria’s economic machinery. Improving water, sanitation, and hygiene infrastructure, enhancing surveillance and response mechanisms, and involving the community are ways to limit the progression of this threat and ensure effective situation management and zero cholera casualties in the future.

Banditry is a violent conflict issue that has gained prominence in Nigeria. Its prevalence jeopardises economic and security efforts. In 2024, Niger State finds itself once again grappling with a resurgence of banditry, posing significant threats to security and stability in the region. According to Nextier’s Nigeria Violent Conflicts Database, Niger State recorded 29 incidents of banditry between May 2023 and June 2024. Between this period, banditry recorded a high in December to January and a low from February to May; however, there has been a resurgence in June with four incidents.

Attacks by bandits are not novel and have manifested in various forms across the the stae. On Monday, June 10, 2024, two soldiers were shot when bandits attacked a military base in Tegina, Rafi Local Government Area of Niger State. This has added to the tally of attacks on security agents in the country. In March 2024, armed bandits launched a deadly attack on the Tungan-Kawo and Adogon-Mallam community in Niger State, resulting in several casualties and the displacement of residents. The attack highlighted the persistent threat posed by banditry in the region and the urgent need for enhanced security measures to protect vulnerable communities. Also, bandits have operated on the highways, travellers on the Minna-Suleja road are persistently at risk of highway robbery orchestrated by armed bandits. The incident underscored the vulnerability of travellers to bandit attacks and the need for improved security along major transportation routes in Niger State. In the same month, seven people were killed and over 200 people were abducted by bandits in Kuchi village, Munya Local Government Area of Niger State.

One of the underlying factors fuelling banditry in Niger State is economic marginalisation. High levels of unemployment and poverty, particularly among the youth population, create fertile ground for recruitment by criminal elements seeking to exploit economic vulnerabilities. The proliferation of small arms and light weapons exacerbates the security situation in Niger State, enabling bandits to carry out their nefarious activities with ease. Weak border controls, porous borders, and illicit arms trafficking networks contribute to the easy availability of weapons, emboldening criminal groups. Bandits in Niger State frequently target rural communities, perpetrating acts of violence such as raids, kidnappings, and cattle rustling. These attacks not only result in loss of life and property but also instil fear and insecurity among the population, disrupting daily life and livelihoods. Highways in Niger State have become notorious hotspots for banditry, with travellers frequently falling prey to armed robberies and extortion. These attacks pose risks to travellers and hinder economic activities such as trade and transportation, further exacerbating the region’s economic woes.

Banditry in Niger State has led to a humanitarian crisis, with thousands of people displaced from their homes and seeking refuge in makeshift camps or neighbouring states. According to the Director-General of the Niger State Agency for Internally Displaced Persons, Danjuma Suleiman Nalongo, a total of 14,342 IDPs dislodged due to insecurity are currently receiving refuge at various IDP camps set up by the state government in the state. The displacement not only disrupts lives but also strains already overstretched humanitarian resources, exacerbating the plight of vulnerable populations. Also, banditry takes a heavy toll on Niger State’s economy, disrupting agricultural activities, trade, and investment. Farmers cannot tend to their fields due to fear of attacks, leading to crop losses and food insecurity. Similarly, businesses face challenges operating in an environment marred by insecurity, deterring investment and stifling economic growth.

Banditry in Niger State represents a challenge that requires a complete response from all stakeholders. Security agencies should intensify intelligence gathering by deploying spies and intelligence agents to dangerous areas to find local collaborators, understand their operations and plans and avert attacks.  Attacks against bandits can be improved by strengthening the liaison between local vigilantes and security forces for practical actions and results. Addressing the root causes, strengthening security measures, and fostering community resilience are essential steps towards mitigating banditry’s impact and restoring the region’s peace and stability. Only through sustained efforts and collaboration can Niger State overcome the scourge of banditry.

The spectre of human trafficking casts a long shadow across West Africa, posing significant socio-economic and humanitarian challenges. This illicit trade has been a persistent issue in Nigeria, where the combined scourges of poverty and corruption create an environment conducive to criminal enterprises. Recently, a particularly stark example of this pervasive issue has emerged, highlighting a trafficking route from Nigeria to Ghana. In a video that went viral on social media, it was alleged that young Nigerian girls, aged between 15 and 18, had allegedly been taken to Ghana for prostitution. This alarming incident underscores the urgent need for enhanced measures to combat human trafficking and protect vulnerable populations in the region.

According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), children represent 75 per cent of trafficking victims detected in West Africa. The modus operandi of traffickers often hinges on preying on vulnerability. In the Nigerian case, vulnerable young girls were enticed with the prospect of legitimate work, only to be forced into prostitution upon arrival in Ghana.  This is a chilling echo of countless stories across the region. The clandestine nature of this trade makes it difficult to quantify, but estimates suggest thousands are affected annually. Reports highlight the increasing visibility of Nigerian minors in the sex trade. Local Non-Governmental Organisations and media outlets have documented cases of girls as young as 13 being discovered in brothels and street corners, their dreams of a better future shattered by the cruel hand of traffickers.

Nigerian and Ghanaian authorities have stepped up their efforts in response to this crisis. Nigeria’s National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), an agency founded in 2003 to combat human trafficking and other similar human rights violations, has intensified its operations, focusing on dismantling trafficking networks and prosecuting offenders. In the past year, NAPTIP has reported a series of arrests and convictions, securing a conviction of 29 human traffickers from January 2024 to date, signalling a commitment to tackling the problem at its roots. Ghana, on its part, has enhanced border surveillance and strengthened its collaboration with Nigerian law enforcement. Joint operations have led to the rescue of several trafficking victims and the apprehension of key traffickers. The recent rescue highlights cooperation between NAPTIP, the Nigerian High Commission in Ghana, and the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission.  This collaborative approach offers a blueprint for future success. However, the complex and transnational nature of human trafficking necessitates more than just national efforts.

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has fostered regional cooperation. By facilitating information sharing and coordinated action among member states, ECOWAS aims to create a hostile environment for traffickers. International bodies such as the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) have also provided technical support for anti-trafficking initiatives. Despite these efforts, significant challenges remain. Cross-border corruption within law enforcement and judicial systems often hampers the prosecution of traffickers. Additionally, the stigma attached to trafficking victims discourages many from coming forward, complicating rescue and rehabilitation efforts.

Addressing the root causes of trafficking is imperative for any long-term solution. This means tackling the socio-economic vulnerabilities that traffickers exploit. This involves expanding access to education, improving economic opportunities, and strengthening Nigeria’s social safety nets. Empowering the youth through education and vocational training can reduce their susceptibility to traffickers’ false promises. Public awareness campaigns are also vital. By educating communities about the dangers of trafficking and the deceptive tactics used by traffickers, governments can help prevent the recruitment of victims. Such campaigns must be culturally sensitive and far-reaching, utilising both traditional media and modern digital platforms. Internationally, pressure must continue to be applied to ensure that anti-trafficking measures are a priority on the global agenda. More robust international legal frameworks and enforcement mechanisms can help hold traffickers accountable, regardless of borders. Furthermore, cross-border cooperation and information sharing between countries are essential in dismantling trafficking networks and prosecuting perpetrators. Strengthening border controls and enhancing collaboration between law enforcement agencies can disrupt the flow of trafficked individuals and hold perpetrators accountable for their crimes.

The fight against human trafficking is arduous and fraught with challenges, yet it must be waged relentlessly. The plight of trafficked Nigerians is a poignant reminder of the human cost of this crime. Education and awareness-raising initiatives play a crucial role in empowering individuals and communities to recognise the signs of trafficking and resist the false promises of traffickers. Additionally, economic empowerment programs that provide viable alternatives to vulnerable populations can help mitigate the risk of exploitation. Governments, CSOs, and international bodies must continue collaborating, innovating, and persevering to protect the vulnerable and dismantle exploitation networks. Only through sustained and concerted action can the dreams of these young girls be rescued from the shadows and brought into the light of a safer, more just world.

For many Nigerians, living standards have become increasingly expensive, and the notion of “the Nigerian dream” has become elusive. The Nigerian dream is simply the conditions necessary for a quality life, such as good healthcare, education, roads, security, and electricity. However, despite its vast natural resources, economic viability and dynamic population, Nigeria still faces numerous challenges that hinder its growth and the realisation of this dream. The Nigerian dream is bleak, and for some people, the gap occupied by the dream has been replaced either by a resolve to build a new life outside the country or possibly something sinister- the motivation to indulge in criminal activities.

The components of the Nigerian dream have become increasingly elusive in recent years due to economic instability, political corruption, and social inequalities. Financial empowerment and innovation are the cornerstones of a renewed Nigerian dream. The nation’s economy so far has become unfavourable for millions of Nigerians, with over 60% of citizens enduring multidimensional poverty. The removal of the fuel subsidy sent the country down a path of unexpected hardship and unaffordable market prices.

Other intangible yet fundamental issues prevent Nigerians from the actualisaton of a better country. Existing conflicts and inequalities in Nigeria propel already-existing tensions among ethnicities. The tensions, in turn, promote the notion that people should exist within ethnic clusters and tribal barriers instead of as a united country. The government must consciously work with relevant stakeholders and Nigerians to strengthen inter-ethnic ties and build a renewed sense of nationalism among the country’s populace.

Social equity and inclusion are critical areas that need attention. Bridging the gap between the rich and the poor and ensuring that all Nigerians have access to essential services such as healthcare, clean water, and electricity is vital. According to Dataphyte, wealth disparity in Nigeria is glaring, and the country’s parity is 35.1 per cent. Nigeria’s policies that promote gender equality, protect the rights of minority groups such as persons with disabilities (PWDs), and foster social cohesion should be improved and implemented to build a more inclusive society where every Nigerian has a fair chance at success. Transparent and accountable governance is the bedrock of national development. Combating corruption, strengthening institutions, and promoting civic engagement can restore public trust and ensure that resources are used effectively for the benefit of all citizens. Political leaders must be accountable for delivering their promises and working towards the common good.

Reinventing the Nigerian dream requires a collective effort from all sectors of the Nigerian society. The government, the private sector, civil society, and international partners must collaborate to create an enabling environment for progress. Citizens must also play their part by participating in the democratic process, advocating for their rights, and contributing to community development. The new Nigerian dream envisions a nation where everyone can achieve their full potential in a fair, just, and prosperous society. It is a dream that embraces innovation, values education, champions social equity, demands good governance, and prioritises sustainability. Nigerians can turn this vision into reality by working together and setting a new course for a brighter future. The road to reinventing the Nigerian dream is challenging but achievable. With determination, resilience, and a shared vision, Nigeria can overcome its obstacles and realise the aspirations of its people, transforming the dream from a mere idea into a tangible reality.

Africa’s debt burden has grown significantly over the years and is a massive challenge on the continent as 23 countries are in financial distress, and three have defaulted. While debt serves a critical function for development, the rate at which it is rising has constrained and limited many African countries’ ability to cope with future crises or invest in growth. In 2022, Africa’s public debt, which is the total amount of money owed to the public by the government to meet development in Africa, reached USD 1.8 trillion. While this is a fraction of the overall outstanding debt of developing countries, Africa’s debt has increased by 183% since 2010, roughly four times higher than its GDP growth rate in dollar terms. The AU’s ascension to the G20 in September 2023 poses a moment for advocating for international financial institutions’ reform and Africa’s debt sustainability.

Africa’s debt burden can be traced back to the colonial era and the early years of independence. Newly independent African nations sought to build infrastructure and stimulate economic growth, often relying on foreign loans. However, many of these loans were acquired under unfavourable terms, leading to high levels of debt. In the 1980s and 1990s, structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank further exacerbated the debt situation. Countries like Nigeria and Kenya, which underwent these programs, were required to implement austerity measures, liberalise their economies, and devalue their currencies. While these policies were intended to stabilise economies and encourage growth, they often increased poverty and social unrest. By the 2000s, Africa’s debt crisis had reached alarming levels, prompting initiatives such as the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative and the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI). These programs aimed to reduce the debt burden of the world’s poorest countries, many of which were in Africa.

Nations like Nigeria, South Africa, and Egypt have some of the highest debt levels. Zambia, for instance, defaulted on its debt in 2020, highlighting the severity of the debt crisis. Mozambique, grappling with hidden debt scandals, also faces immense financial strain. Traditionally reliant on bilateral and multilateral loans, many African countries have increasingly turned to private creditors and international bond markets. This shift has resulted in higher interest rates and shorter repayment periods, further complicating debt management. Several factors contribute to Africa’s escalating debt burden. For example, African economies are often heavily dependent on commodity exports, making them vulnerable to global price fluctuations. Countries like Angola and Nigeria, reliant on oil exports, faced severe economic downturns when oil prices plummeted in the mid-2010s. Governance issues, corruption, and mismanagement of funds have also exacerbated the debt crisis. Political instability and poor governance have led to economic mismanagement and increased borrowing in countries like Zimbabwe and Sudan.

Global financial conditions and the policies of international creditors play a significant role. The conditionalities attached to loans from institutions like the IMF often require austerity measures that can stifle economic growth and social development. One issue that has kept Africa in the debt cycle is the short time frames for debt repayment. According to Senegal’s former president, Macky Sall, “Apart from few exceptional cases, our countries are often obliged to repay debts for significant amounts and long-term infrastructure in very short time frames.” Since the COVID-19 economic fallout, various meetings have tried to address debt relief for low- and middle-income countries, particularly in Africa. These include the June 2023 Paris Financing Pact summit, the December 2023 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP28) and the April 2024 International Monetary Fund and World Bank Spring meeting. Other initiatives have been undertaken to alleviate Africa’s debt burden, such as the HIPC and MDRI. These programs have provided significant debt relief to eligible countries, reducing their debt stock and freeing up resources for development. For example, Ghana and Tanzania benefited substantially from these initiatives, allowing them to increase health and education spending. Also, the G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) was launched in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The DSSI provided temporary relief by suspending debt service payments for eligible countries. However, the initiative faced criticism for its limited scope and temporary nature.

Despite these efforts, many challenges remain. Implementing effective debt relief requires political will, accountability, and transparency. Corruption and mismanagement can undermine the benefits of debt relief, as seen in Mozambique’s hidden debt scandal. Hence, the global architecture of the financial system and debt must be reformed to reduce costs, time frames and the legal complications of restructuring African countries’ debt. Improving governance, enhancing transparency, and strengthening institutions are crucial steps. Diversifying economies to reduce dependence on commodities can also mitigate the impact of global price fluctuations. Rwanda’s focus on technology and service sectors provides a successful model of economic diversification. Exploring innovative solutions like debt-for-climate swaps can provide mutual benefits. For example, Seychelles successfully implemented a debt-for-nature swap, allowing it to invest in marine conservation while reducing its debt burden. Regional cooperation, such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), can promote economic integration and resilience. Collaborative efforts between African governments, international organisations, and the global community are essential for achieving financial stability and sustainable development.

Industrial actions have been a recurring theme in Nigeria’s labour landscape. From the pivotal 1945 general strike to the recent June 3, 2024 strike by the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), strikes have been a potent tool for workers to fight for better wages and working conditions. The NLC has been at the forefront of these actions, advocating for workers’ rights and social justice. While strikes are vital for workers to negotiate better terms, frequent strikes can pose considerable risks to the nation’s development.

The 1945 strike, involving an estimated 200,000 workers, is a prime example of how strikes can catalyse positive change. The strike, which lasted for 44 days, highlighted the collective power of Nigerian workers and set a precedent for future labour movements. However, subsequent strikes have not always been so clear-cut. The 1988 strike wave, for instance, highlighted the tense relationship between workers and military governments. The return to civilian rule in 1999 did not quell labour unrest. Instead, democratic governance provided a more conducive environment for unions to organise and strike. More recently, the June 2023 NLC strike called to protest the government’s removal of fuel subsidies. The removal led to a significant increase in fuel prices, which caused widespread discontent due to the resultant rise in the cost of living. Though brief, the most recent industrial action commenced on June 3, 2024, had a significant impact. It paralysed various sectors, including transportation, healthcare, power and education, and underscored the fragility of Nigeria’s economic stability.

While industrial actions are necessary to check government and employer excesses, incessant strikes pose several dangers to Nigeria’s development. Strikes lead to significant economic disruption by halting productivity in critical sectors like healthcare and transportation, diminishing confidence in the system. In a nation striving for development, such disruptions can be crippling. Businesses lose revenue and economic growth stalls. Prolonged strikes can also cause social unrest, with protests and violent clashes creating an atmosphere of tension and insecurity. Essential services such as healthcare and education suffer, leading to delays in medical services and interruptions in academic calendars, which have long-term negative impacts on society. Additionally, the perception of instability caused by frequent strikes deters foreign investment, making Nigeria a less attractive destination for investors.

To mitigate the negative impacts of industrial actions, the Nigerian government must adopt proactive measures addressing the root causes of labour disputes. Establishing a continuous and effective dialogue between the government, employers, and labour unions can help pre-empt strikes by facilitating regular discussions and negotiations to resolve grievances amicably. Comprehensive policy reforms that improve working conditions, wages, and economic policies are crucial in reducing the frequency of industrial actions. The government should respond swiftly to labour union demands to prevent delays exacerbating tensions. Independent mediation and arbitration bodies can provide impartial solutions acceptable to both parties, decreasing the likelihood of strikes.

Industrial actions are a double-edged sword. They have played a significant role in shaping Nigeria’s labour landscape, reflecting the struggles and aspirations of the working class. However, the recurrent nature of these strikes highlights systemic issues that need urgent attention. The recent NLC strike underscores the importance of proactively addressing these challenges. For Nigeria to achieve sustainable development, the government must prioritise effective labour relations, implement robust economic policies, and ensure continuous dialogue with all stakeholders. By doing so, the nation can prevent the escalation of disputes to industrial actions and foster a more stable and prosperous future.

Nigeria has been grappling with the insurgency of Boko Haram and its splinter faction, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), for over a decade. These groups have perpetrated widespread violence, leading to the displacement of millions and the destruction of infrastructure. Jihadist terrorism has raged on and mainly devastated the North East and parts of the Lake Chad basin. Over the years, the Nigerian government has employed non-kinetic measures to address the conflict.

Nigeria’s efforts date back to 2013 when the Goodluck Jonathan administration extended an olive branch to Boko Haram leaders and created a framework for amnesty and disarmament—this targeted combatants (low-level members) who voluntarily surrendered to the Nigerian government. However, the group rejected the amnesty. A new agency called “Countering Violent Extremism” (National Security Corridor) was formed to tackle the root causes of recruitment into Boko Haram and create a process of rehabilitating defectors of the group. Other attempts followed, including the de-radicalisation, rehabilitation and reintegration programme, codenamed Operation Safe Corridor, which is currently in operation. The programme provides an avenue for the prosecution of high-risk defectors and a 52-week intensive de-radicalisation, rehabilitation and reintegration programme for moderates. However, a host of challenges have occurred in attaining successful reintegration.

The reintegration of former terrorists into communities has been hard to achieve because of the resentment of victims and their families. Since 2016, the Nigerian government has only been able to reintegrate 500 former fighters despite the government’s deployment of strategic communication. Many residents of towns like Maiduguri and Gwoza protested against the reintegration program. Despite the Borno State governor’s expression of 90 per cent confidence in the genuineness of repentant terrorists, communities that lost several lives, homes and livelihoods to terrorism have hardly been swayed. They believe that the repentant terrorists would re-offend. This resistance is fuelled by deep-seated mistrust and fear, making social reintegration particularly difficult.

A lack of sustainable livelihood opportunities has also surfaced. In Yobe State, many rehabilitated ex-combatants have struggled to find employment or start businesses. Despite efforts to provide vocational training, the region’s lack of a robust economic infrastructure and high unemployment rates have limited their ability to reintegrate economically. This has resulted in some individuals reverting to criminal activities for survival. Corruption and mismanagement of funds further hinder the effectiveness of reintegration initiatives. For instance, the Borno State government has repeatedly reported inadequate funding from the federal government to support the rehabilitation and reintegration of former insurgents. This financial shortfall has led to insufficient provision of services and support for the repentant terrorists. There also exists the challenge of recidivism. This is such that former terrorists revert to their old ways, especially if reintegration programmes fail to address their needs adequately. This poses a significant security threat not only to local communities but also to national stability. Over the years, there have been reports of some of the former Boko Haram members who went through the de-radicalisation and reintegration process were rearrested for engaging in criminal activities or attempting to rejoin Boko Haram. This recurrence underscores the difficulty in ensuring that all rehabilitated individuals do not relapse into violent behaviours.

The reintegration of repentant terrorists in Nigeria’s violent conflict theatre is marred with challenges. There is a need to assess the programme by studying the target communities for reintegration and reviewing gaps in reintegration programmes. There is also a need to improve efforts at building trust between former terrorists and local communities, which is essential. This can be facilitated through community engagement programmes, dialogue, and reconciliation processes that involve victims and perpetrators of violence. Providing vocational training, education, and job opportunities can help integrate former terrorists into society. Economic support should be tailored to the local context. Also, implementing robust monitoring and evaluation systems can help track reintegrated individuals’ progress and assess the reintegration programmes’ effectiveness.