Daily Analysis

The concept of human security goes beyond physical safety. It encompasses freedom from fear, freedom from want, and the ability to live a dignified life. Human security, encompassing economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political security, is a comprehensive measure of the well-being and safety of individuals within a society. Regularly assessing vulnerabilities to human security threats is crucial for prioritising interventions and ensuring the well-being of populations. In 2018, a Human Security Vulnerability Assessment (HSVA) was conducted, setting a foundation for establishing early warning systems across West Africa, particularly Nigeria. On May 27, 2024, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Office for Strategic Preparedness and Resilience (OSPRE), collaborating with international development partners, embarked on a comprehensive resilience and human security assessment of Nigeria.

Nigeria is grappling with a web of human security threats, from persistent violent conflicts fuelled by ethnic tensions and extremism to socioeconomic gaps and environmental distress linked to climate change. These security threats lead to various vulnerabilities, ranging from food insecurity and health risks to displacement and environmental degradation, among others. By identifying these vulnerabilities, targeted interventions can be developed to strengthen resilience and prevent future crises. This will benefit Nigeria’s security and contribute to the stability of the wider West African region.

Climate change impacts human security, which must be captured in the ongoing study. In the face of a worsening climate crisis, it is crucial to move beyond immediate responses and conduct thorough assessments of climate change’s long-term impact on human security. This means looking at how rising temperatures, extreme weather events, and environmental degradation will affect people’s access to food, water, shelter, and safety in the coming decades. But climate change is not the only threat on the horizon. The world also faces new and emerging dangers like pandemics and sophisticated cyberattacks. To effectively address these evolving threats, vulnerabilities must be continuously assessed and robust strategies that can adapt to unforeseen challenges must be developed.

However, within these broader threats, the specific needs of vulnerable groups cannot be overstated. This includes women, who often have limited access to resources and decision-making power in times of crisis—children, whose health and development are susceptible to environmental disruptions. Minorities may already face discrimination and marginalisation, making them even more vulnerable to the effects of insecurity and other threats. And internally displaced persons, who have already been uprooted from their homes and are often living in precarious situations. Focusing on these vulnerable groups’ needs can ensure a more equitable and secure future for all.

While ECOWAS and OSPRE are making strides in mapping human security and vulnerability across Nigeria, critical areas still require improvement. These gaps hinder the effectiveness and sustainability of these efforts. One major challenge lies in data collection and analysis.  Access to reliable and up-to-date information on a national scale is essential for a swift and targeted response to threats. With a clear picture of the human security situation across different countries and communities, it is easier to identify the most vulnerable areas and allocate resources effectively. Another gap exists in civil society engagement.  Sustainable solutions to human security threats require the active participation of local communities.  By including them in identifying vulnerabilities and developing strategies, OSPRE and ECOWAS can ensure their interventions address the root causes of insecurity and are culturally appropriate.  Local knowledge and perspectives are crucial for building trust and long-term peace. Finally, resource mobilisation remains a persistent challenge.  Long-term human security initiatives require sustained funding.  However, securing adequate financial resources can be difficult, especially considering Nigeria’s diverse needs and competing priorities.  Finding innovative funding mechanisms and forging strong partnerships with international donors are crucial to ensuring the long-term sustainability of human security efforts.

By continuously evaluating human security vulnerabilities and adapting their strategies, OSPRE, ECOWAS, and other stakeholders can ensure the region’s more secure and stable future. By addressing evolving threats, strengthening early warning systems, and fostering national cooperation, these organisations can make significant strides in creating a more secure future for Nigeria and West Africa.

Catalysed by the desire to build a better, safer future, the African Union (AU) launched the Silencing the Guns campaign in 2016. The campaign aimed to end violent conflicts, build resilience and ensure peace in the continent by 2020. However, this campaign has not gone according to plan since various violent conflicts still permeate the continent. The timeframe laid out for the mission to silence guns has passed, and four years after, violent conflicts are still witnessed in numerous parts of the continent, such as Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger, Mali, Nigeria and a host of other African countries. According to the roadmap set out for the Silencing the Guns mission, the programme aimed to tackle political, social, economic, environmental and legal challenges that motivate violent conflicts on the continent through a collaborative approach between relevant stakeholders such as regional economic communities, regional organisations, national governments and the AU itself.

Yet, the way of this lofty ambition is marred by challenges that plague both the AU and the African continent. Some of these challenges are political and economic, while others lie in the coordinability of the Union. The Silencing the Guns campaign represents a commendable step towards continental peace. Many factors have hindered its effectiveness, casting a shadow over its ultimate success. One of the foremost deficiencies of the campaign lies in its implementation. Despite the AU’s fervent declarations and high-level commitments, translating rhetoric into concrete action has proven formidable. The lack of robust enforcement mechanisms and clear timelines have allowed member states to evade their obligations with impunity.

The roots of violent conflicts in Africa run deep. Political instability, economic inequality, and social fragmentation are some of the areas that the campaign roadmap strives to address. Silencing the Guns has struggled to address these underlying structural issues comprehensively, opting instead for superficial solutions that fail to tackle the root causes of conflict. Without addressing these systemic challenges, the Silencing the Guns campaign risks merely skimming the surface of a much deeper problem, perpetuating a cycle of violence that threatens to undermine its essence. Experts watching the campaign argue it is ambitious and needs to be closer to the grassroots to cause change. Another area for improvement lies in the lack of inclusivity within the campaign’s framework. While purportedly aimed at promoting peace and security for all Africans, “Silencing the Guns” has often been led by political elites, sidelining the voices of marginalised communities, who bear the brunt of conflict’s devastation. The campaign risks alienating those most affected by violence by neglecting grassroots stakeholders, thereby diminishing its legitimacy and effectiveness.

The AU’s reliance on top-down, state-centric approaches to peacebuilding is shortsighted, overlooking the crucial role of local actors and civil society in fostering sustainable peace. The AU shares no deep connections with the happenings in its member states. To effectively carry out the Silencing the Guns campaign, the Union must improve its visibility in all parts of the continent. By constantly prioritising diplomatic negotiations between governments over grassroots initiatives and community-led peacebuilding efforts, “Silencing the Guns” risks overlooking the invaluable contributions of those at the grassroots level who are often best positioned to resolve conflicts and build lasting peace. The “Silencing the Guns” campaign represents a laudable effort to address Africa’s longstanding conflicts, but its deficiencies loom large, threatening to undermine its potential impact. To silence the guns and pave the way for a peaceful and prosperous Africa, the campaign must address its shortcomings head-on, fostering greater inclusivity, prioritising comprehensive peacebuilding strategies, and empowering local actors to take ownership of the peace process. Only then can conflict be replaced by the peace and progress that Africa desperately deserves.

Nigeria, with its vast resources and potential for economic growth, has historically been an attractive destination for multinational corporations (MNCs). However, in recent years, there has been a noticeable trend of MNCs divesting or scaling back their operations in the country. Within the last 15 months, at least five MNCs, including household names in Fast Moving Consumer Goods (FMCG) like GlaxoSmithKline Nigeria, Procter & Gamble, Unilever and Sanofi-Aventis Nigeria Limited, have decided to exit Nigeria by ending manufacturing operations in the country. More recently, Kimberly-Clark, the manufacturer of the famous diaper brand ‘Huggies’ and various sanitary pads, is planning to announce the closure of its production facility in Ikorodu. The harsh business environment is the primary reason these MNCs cited for exiting the country’s borders. According to an anonymous insider, Kimberly-Clark identified that the company had faced numerous hurdles, including soaring energy expenses, scarcity of raw materials, and dwindling customer demand amidst the current economic climate.

Certain factors are responsible for this departure, such as policy Instability. Nigeria has struggled with policy inconsistencies and abrupt changes, particularly in sectors such as oil and gas, deterring long-term investment. Also, at the root of MNCs’ departure is the increasing fragility of the Nigerian state. In 2011, when Nigeria ranked 14th in the Fragile States Index, a publication by Air War College alluded to the possibility of Nigeria becoming a failed state by 2030. Even though the Nigerian government firmly rebuffed such an apocalypse, within the past five years, Nigeria has remained among the 15 most fragile states in the world except for 2022, when it ranked the 16th most fragile state. This uncertainty and fragility is a negative for investors.

Currency volatility through fluctuations in the value of the Nigerian Naira against significant currencies has posed challenges for MNCs operating in the country, affecting profitability and investment decisions. Also, the CBN has been accused of favouritism in selling foreign exchange. The inability of the NNPC to remit foreign exchange earned from the sale of crude oil and the lack of transparency by the CBN in trading foreign exchange implies that some businesses, including MNCs, cannot access foreign exchange needed for their business operations.

Infrastructure deficit has also been a significant factor in the departure of multinational companies. Inadequate infrastructure, including unreliable power supply and poor transportation networks, has increased business operational costs and hindered productivity. One of the most significant barriers to in Nigeria is unpredictable electricity supply. Frequent power outages and poor energy infrastructure raise operational expenses for enterprises while reducing productivity and competitiveness. Because of the lack of a dependable power supply, many foreign investors have been forced to rely on costly alternative energy sources, affecting their bottom line and overall investment feasibility. Transportation infrastructure is another critical area where Nigeria’s shortcomings have hindered companies. Poor road networks, overcrowded ports, and limited access to quality transportation services have all hampered the efficient flow of goods and services. Investors frequently encounter difficulties in distributing their products, resulting in delays and inefficiencies.

Inadequate communication systems in Nigeria have also been an impediment to companies. Limited access to dependable internet connectivity and telecommunications services impedes corporate operations, communication with international partners, and market entry. This absence of digital infrastructure harms global organizations and stifles the expansion of small and medium-sized businesses wanting to expand their operations.

Security concerns are also a significant factor in the departure of MNCs. Nigeria manifests all features of fragility, and the state has lost its monopoly over the legitimate use of force as various non-state armed groups in parts of the country have continued to cause mayhem in parts of the country. Persistent security threats from groups such as Boko Haram in the North and militants in the Niger Delta region have undermined business confidence and posed risks to personnel and assets. The weak capacity of the state to provide security for lives and properties has seen the rise of outlawed groups taking the law into their hands in an attempt to protect their communities from other non-state armed groups. In the Northwest, for instance, groups such as Yan Sakai, Yan Bindiga emerged to fill the security vacuum in their communities. In the South East, the Eastern Security Network (ESN) emerged, and it was also ostensibly to protect the South East from violent incursion. The general state of insecurity in the country has severe implications for the business environment and the economy. Also, Incidents of kidnapping for ransom, mainly targeting expatriates and high-profile individuals, have raised security concerns and contributed to the decision of some MNCs to exit or reduce their presence.

The departure of MNCs can have some implications. On employment, the departure of MNCs can result in job losses and reduced opportunities for skilled workers, exacerbating unemployment and underemployment rates in the country. The exit will further worsen Nigeria’s unemployment situation, given that there were direct and indirect job losses resulting from the exit. This will, in turn, heighten the risks of criminality, youth restiveness and other forms of uprising in the country. The departure of MNCs may also erode investor confidence in Nigeria’s economy, leading to reduced foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows and slower economic growth. Also, the withdrawal of MNCs could create imbalances in specific sectors, potentially affecting supply chains, market competition, and overall industry dynamics.

The exodus of multinational companies from Nigeria is a complex phenomenon driven by economic, security, and regulatory factors. Hence, there is a need to reform institutions that are critical for creating an enabling environment for businesses to thrive in all sectors. Also, the exit of the MNCs should serve as an opportunity for the Nigerian state to deepen support for indigenous industries, firms and start-ups in various sectors. The government also needs to improve security infrastructure, and promote transparency and good governance. Only through such reforms can Nigeria regain investors’ confidence and create a conducive environment for sustainable economic growth and development.

Nigeria Air, the proposed national carrier for Nigeria, has been controversial since its inception. The scandal surrounding the airline has recently culminated in the arrest of the former Minister for Aviation, Hadi Sirika, on corruption and embezzlement charges. In July 2018, the Nigerian government unveiled plans to launch a new national airline named Nigeria Air. The initiative aimed to replace Nigeria Airways, which ceased operations in 2003, and provide a flagship carrier to boost national pride and improve connectivity within Nigeria and internationally. The launch was initially slated for December 2018 but faced multiple delays and setbacks.

The former Aviation Minister’s arrest sheds light on the Nigerian Air saga. The former minister, Hadi Sirika, who played a pivotal role in the Nigeria Air project, was arrested on April 23, 2024, by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). The arrest was linked to ongoing investigations into financial improprieties and corruption allegations associated with the airline. The former minister was accused of embezzling funds earmarked for the Nigeria Air project, abuse of office and breach of trust, and engaging in corrupt practices that undermined the integrity of the aviation sector. The minister was subsequently arraigned on May 14, 2024, on an 8-count charge.  The arrest has been seen as part of broader efforts by Nigerian authorities to clamp down on corruption and hold public officials accountable. However, it has also sparked a debate about the effectiveness of these measures and the extent of systemic corruption in Nigeria.

No money, no airline. The Nigeria Air project, estimated to cost about $300 million as a take-off cost, was intended to be a public-private partnership. However, it became embroiled in allegations of mismanagement, corruption, and a lack of transparency, sparking questions about the actual scope of government expenditure and the role of private investors. Allegations of fraud from members of the Federal House of Representatives suggested the project was a facade for diverting public funds under the pretence of national development. Reports also highlighted claims that the airline’s progress and viability were often exaggerated or falsified. Additionally, critics noted a significant lack of consultation with key stakeholders, including aviation industry experts, unions, and the public, which cast doubts on the project’s legitimacy and feasibility.

The Nigeria Air scandal fuels distrust in public infrastructure procurement. The Nigerian government battles with public distrust, where many citizens perceive them as corrupt and self-serving. The Nigerian Air scandal will worsen this situation. This erosion of trust complicates efforts to garner public support for future initiatives. Additionally, the controversy may deter potential foreign investors, who now perceive Nigeria as a high-risk investment environment, thereby hampering economic growth and development prospects. Misappropriated or poorly managed resources could have been better utilised to address critical issues such as infrastructure development, education, and healthcare, representing a substantial opportunity cost. Furthermore, the aviation sector, vital for Nigeria’s connectivity and economic integration, has suffered. The scandal has delayed the establishment of a national carrier, which is essential for enhancing regional and international travel and trade.

To remedy the Nigeria Air scandal, systemic reforms should be implemented to enhance oversight and accountability in future aviation projects, such as strengthening regulatory frameworks, ensuring proper due diligence in contractual agreements, and fostering greater public and stakeholder engagement. Restitution mechanisms should also be considered to recover misappropriated funds and ensure they are redirected towards genuine infrastructural improvements. Lastly, clear and consistent communication with the public is essential to restore trust and demonstrate a commitment to rectifying the issues and preventing future occurrences.

The Nigeria Air scandal is a stark reminder of Nigeria’s challenges in its quest for development and modernisation. The arrest of the former Minister for Aviation is a significant step towards accountability, but it also underscores the systemic issues that must be addressed. For Nigeria to achieve sustainable development and improve its international image, it must strengthen its institutions, promote transparency, and ensure that public projects are managed with integrity and accountability. The lessons from the Nigeria Air scandal should catalyse broader governance and public administration reforms.

The Sahel region has long grappled with severe security and humanitarian crises stemming from weak governance, economic decline, and the worsening effects of climate change. Over the past decade, violence, conflict, and crime have surged, transcending national borders and posing significant challenges to countries both within and outside the region. The epicentres of this violence and humanitarian disaster lie in the Liptako-Gourma and Lake Chad Basin subregions, where insurgencies, terrorist attacks, and violent extremism have destabilised fragile states and exacerbated poverty and displacement. Despite international intervention and counterterrorism efforts, the security situation in the Sahel region continues to deteriorate, with armed fighting spreading across porous borders and further impoverishing an embattled region. The worsening violence, driven by groups like the Al Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP-GS), has triggered a massive displacement crisis, with thousands seeking sanctuary in neighbouring countries or further afield.

Certain factors contribute to weakening security capabilities in the Sahel region. For instance, unaddressed weak governance, characterised by corruption, democratic backsliding, legitimacy deficits, and human rights violations, has contributed to the expansion of violent extremism in the Sahel region. Increasing civilian casualties and several human rights violations by security forces in countries like Burkina Faso have further undermined regional and national efforts to combat extremism. Tensions and challenges within some Sahel countries’ military structures have also negatively impacted the region. For example, Burkina Faso’s human rights situation deteriorated in 2022 due to surging attacks by Islamist armed groups against civilians, violations committed by military forces and pro-government militias during counterterrorism operations, and political instability resulting from two military coups. Pro-government forces, including soldiers and militiamen from the state-sponsored Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland (VDP), allegedly unlawfully killed dozens of suspects during counterterrorism operations, sometimes coordinating operations. Also, incidents of alleged extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances by security forces and VDP militias have been reported, such as the execution of 18 men near Djigoue in November 2022, the forced disappearance of six men arrested in Todiame in February, and the killing of over 50 men detained in and around Tougouri commune in August. There has been little progress in investigating past atrocities by the security services, such as the killings of over 200 men in Djibo in 2020 and the deaths of 12 men in gendarme custody in Tanwalbougou in 2020. An immunity provision in a 2021 decree creating a counterterrorism special force, which states that members “may not be prosecuted for acts committed in the exercise of their functions,” undermines accountability.

Security-focused responses have also recorded some shortcomings. France’s failure in Mali is yet another case, like the nearly two-decade intervention by the United States in Afghanistan, in which a Western power has intervened in an armed conflict abroad and proved unable to deliver on its goals regarding stability and security. France’s failure to define achievable objectives for Operation Barkhane beyond conducting strikes against jihadist leaders and providing Malian forces with general counterterrorism support and capacity building meant that the mission could have continued aimlessly for the foreseeable future. The limitations above explain why the French military operation Barkhane, as well as the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) advisory and training missions, have all failed in efficiently training the Sahelian defence and security forces as part of their counterterrorism efforts

The continuing collapse of international counterterrorism support, as well as weakening leadership in regional efforts, has created a vacuum in which violent extremism can expand. Also, the coup epidemic in the Sahel has severely undermined regional security efforts. Consecutive military coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Niger have led to the collapse of the region’s security architecture. The derailing of constitutional order in these nations has deteriorated security, economic well-being for citizens. In Mali, following two military coups, the junta has alienated regional and international security partners, leading to the withdrawal of international forces and peacekeepers. This has allowed militant Islamist groups to exploit the security vacuum and consolidate power, leading to an escalation of violence and human rights violations. Similarly, in Burkina Faso, the military junta has taken a populist approach, expanding the arming of civilians and accelerating popular mass mobilisation. This has fuelled fears that Burkina Faso could become the next destination for a Wagner Group deployment, further escalating violence and human rights abuses.

As Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger choose to reinforce a purely military approach by collaborating with the Wagner Group, the escalation of violence and human rights violations is likely to continue. This has strained relations with traditional Western allies, leading to a shift towards Russia for security assistance. The withdrawal of French forces and the cessation of military cooperation with Burkina Faso have created a void Russia exploits through the Wagner Group. This has fueled concerns about the spread of Russian influence and the escalation of violence and human rights abuses in the region. The coup leaders in Niger have also ceased military cooperation with France, leading to the withdrawal of French forces. This has raised fears that Niger could become the next destination for the Wagner Group, further exacerbating the security vacuum and human rights concerns.

The security vacuum created by the withdrawal of international support and the deterioration of regional cooperation has provided an opportunity for violent extremist organisations to expand their influence in the region. Organisations like Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) have capitalised on the security vacuum, using countries like Mali and Niger as platforms to launch indiscriminate attacks on government forces and civilians. As a result, violence has spilt over into neighbouring countries like Burkina Faso and Niger, exacerbating the humanitarian crisis and democratic backsliding in the region. The grievances fuelled by the violence and instability have been exploited by extremist groups, leading to a vicious cycle of grievances and extremist exploitation. This has further undermined the security situation and weakened the ability of the governments to address the root causes of the violence and instability.

The deterioration of security conditions in the countries of the Sahel and their general vulnerability to non-state armed groups is the result of long-standing state weakness. Conversely, the activities of these armed groups have made it more difficult for states to build their administrative and military capacities. Democratic backsliding has occurred as a result. A reinforced security and law enforcement capacity must go hand-in-hand with more robust public institutions and more accountable governments capable of providing essential development services to the populations and appeasing internal tensions. Development processes, promotion of good governance, and improvement of the security situation need to be carried out in an appropriate sequence and coordinated manner to create sustainable stability in the region.

The Sahel region’s security challenges, political instability, and humanitarian crises demand an approach beyond military interventions alone. While counterterrorism efforts are crucial, they must be accompanied by strategies that address issues such as governance deficits, socio-economic disparities, and environmental degradation. Sustainable solutions require regional cooperation, inclusive political processes, and a commitment to protecting human rights and upholding the rule of law. Ultimately, the path to lasting peace and stability in the Sahel lies in empowering local communities, strengthening democratic institutions, and fostering economic development. Only by addressing the grievances that fuel extremism and promoting a sense of shared progress can the region break the vicious cycle of violence and instability. The international community must remain engaged, but the ultimate responsibility rests with the governments and people of the Sahel to forge a brighter future for their nations.

Nigeria faces many security threats.  However, a new kind of danger is emerging, fuelled by a changing climate. Climate change is a threat multiplier, exacerbating existing tensions and creating new ones, jeopardising Nigeria’s stability. Nigeria sweltered in an unprecedented heat wave in February 2024, with temperatures soaring past 40°C. This extreme weather event, far exceeding usual February highs, is a manifestation of the broader impacts of climate change, driven by increased greenhouse gas emissions.  Climate experts believe human activities accelerate global warming, leading to a thinner ozone layer and more intense sunlight reaching Earth’s surface.

In Nigeria, this is exacerbated by deforestation, urbanisation, and industrial activities that contribute to local heat accumulation. This warming trend is causing more frequent and severe heat waves, posing significant health risks and straining resources in Nigeria. Nigeria’s environment minister, Balarabe Abbas Lawal, attributes this severe environmental crisis to the substantial reduction in tree cover over the years. The country’s tree cover has plummeted to a mere 3.7 per cent, a far cry from the recommended minimum of 25 per cent required to maintain ecological balance. According to the Nigerian Conservation Foundation (NCF), Nigeria has lost 96 per cent of its forests due to deforestation. This significant loss of forested areas has far-reaching consequences, impacting biodiversity, climate regulation, and the livelihoods of many communities.  Healthy forests are vital for clean air, regulating temperatures, preventing soil erosion, and providing habitat for wildlife. With such low tree cover, Nigeria faces an uphill battle to mitigate the impacts of climate change.

One of the most concerning impacts is on vital resources like water and land. Droughts are shrinking Lake Chad, leading to competition between herders and farmers for dwindling resources in Northern Nigeria. This competition has historically been a source of conflict, and climate change is worsening it. In the South, rising sea levels threaten coastal communities, displacing people and straining already stretched resources. Additionally, a US Marine Corps University study found a correlation between the shrinking Lake Chad and the rise of insurgency around the Lake Chad region, including Nigeria. The economic hardship caused by the lake’s depletion has created fertile ground for extremist recruitment.  Displaced people become vulnerable, and competition over resources fuels resentment. This interplay between climate change and conflict creates a complex web of security challenges. On the other hand, extreme weather events like floods are becoming more common due to climate change. These floods damage infrastructure, disrupt livelihoods, and displace populations. This creates economic hardship and weakens the government’s ability to provide basic services and maintain order.

Addressing deforestation and implementing sustainable forestry practices to restore and protect Nigeria’s natural environment is urgent. This involves reforestation and afforestation efforts and adopting policies that promote responsible forest management. Investing in climate-resilient agriculture is equally crucial; this includes developing crops that can withstand extreme weather, improving irrigation techniques, and promoting soil conservation practices. Water management must be enhanced by constructing efficient water storage and distribution systems to ensure a reliable supply during droughts. Building robust infrastructure that can endure the impacts of climate change is essential to safeguard communities and maintain economic stability. Furthermore, establishing early warning systems for extreme weather events is vital, as these systems enable communities to prepare in advance and mitigate potential damage, thereby saving lives and livelihoods. Finally, fostering dialogue and cooperation between communities over resource use is essential to ensure sustainable development and prevent conflicts over scarce resources. This cooperative approach can lead to shared solutions that benefit all stakeholders and contribute to long-term environmental and social stability.

Recognising climate change as a security threat is vital. Nigeria can build resilience and prevent conflict by integrating climate considerations into national security strategies. This requires collaboration between environmental agencies, security forces, and local communities. Nigeria can only navigate the complex challenges a changing climate poses through a unified approach.

Many children in Nigeria are susceptible to various human rights violations and are repeatedly victims of a weak system. Child protection is a fundamental right enshrined in various international conventions which Nigeria is treaty to, as well as domestic laws. Some of these laws include the Child Rights Act 2003 and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), among other legislations that aim to protect the well-being of the Nigerian child. Despite these commitments, Nigeria still grapples with significant challenges in safeguarding children from various forms of exploitation, abuse, and neglect. Insecurity, religious beliefs and traditional customs are some of the factors preventing the full implementation of these rights.

The lapses in child protection within the country highlight systemic failures that demand urgent attention and concerted efforts to address. One of Nigeria’s primary challenges in child protection lies in the inadequacy of the legal framework to ensure implementation. While Nigeria has ratified international conventions related to child rights, including the UNCRC, implementation at the national level remains insufficient. Existing laws lack clarity, consistency, and enforceability, making it difficult to hold perpetrators of child abuse and exploitation accountable. Even when laws are in place, enforcement mechanisms are often weak or non-existent. Law enforcement agencies lack the resources, training, or capacity to respond to cases of child abuse and exploitation effectively. Corruption and impunity further undermine efforts to protect children, allowing perpetrators to escape justice.

The failure to adequately protect children manifests in various forms, from inadequate protection from hunger and poverty, to forced labour. In parts of the country ravaged by violence, children are the most affected. Access to essential services, including healthcare, education, and social welfare, remains limited for many children in Nigeria. The country’s lack of vital services for children is made worse by the inflation and hardship that has swept the nation in the past year since the removal of the fuel subsidy. Basic needs are becoming inaccessible to families, and children are bearing the brunt. According to news sources, parents who can no longer afford resources have taken to withdrawing their wards from school or abandoning them at police stations. In remote and underserved communities, which often lack basic infrastructure and resources, children are left without adequate protection and support. Armed conflict and internal displacements pose additional risks to children’s safety and well-being. Nigeria has experienced prolonged conflict in regions such as the Northeast, where children are exposed to violence, abduction and recruitment by armed groups. The breakdown of social systems and infrastructure in conflict-affected areas creates utterly oppressive environments for the children in such areas, further compounding the challenges in child protection.

Addressing the lapses in child protection in Nigeria requires a multi-faceted approach that addresses legal, institutional, social, and economic factors. Strengthening the legal framework for child protection, including enacting and enforcing comprehensive laws and investing in capacity-building for law enforcement agencies, judiciary, and social service providers, is also crucial to ensure effective responses to child protection issues. Running awareness campaigns on harmful sociocultural norms and practices in our society is essential in promoting child rights and protection. Community-based interventions, including education programs and grassroots initiatives, can help shift attitudes and behaviours towards children. More particularly, a system where children and witnesses can safely report cases of child abuse and neglect to authorities.

Collaboration among government agencies, civil society organisations, and international partners is paramount to comprehensively addressing the complex challenges of child protection. The United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) has been working with the Nigerian government to help children in need, majorly in parts of the country destabilised by violent conflicts. By working together, stakeholders, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and the Nigerian government can leverage their respective expertise and resources to strengthen child protection systems, prevent abuse and exploitation, and ensure that every child in Nigeria can grow up in a safe and nurturing environment. The lapses in child protection in Nigeria reflect systemic failures and blasé customs that compromise the well-being and future of millions of children. Addressing these challenges requires political will, resource allocation, and, most importantly, a collective resolve to provide a better future for Nigerian kids. By prioritising child protection, Nigeria can fulfil its obligations under international conventions and ensure that every child has the opportunity to thrive and reach their full potential.

Education is the bedrock of a prosperous society. However, reports on attacks on schools have continually made headlines. Many countries face security challenges that violate student’s rights to education and protection. According to Education Under Attack 2014, a report published by the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA), non-state armed groups targeted students, teachers, schools, and other educational facilities in at least 70 countries worldwide between 2009 and 2013, with 30 countries experiencing a significant pattern of attack. The dynamics are worse in fragile states or those experiencing armed conflicts.

In recent years, Nigeria has been afflicted by a troubling trend: a surge of school attacks, leaving a trail of humanitarian tragedies and disrupted education for thousands of students. Incidents such as kidnappings have gained popularity and are crucial security concerns. While many have been victims of these incidents, relatively few have escaped death, injuries or captivity during such attacks. Under the current conditions, the safety and security of school administrators, teachers, students, and the local community where the schools are located are no longer guaranteed, particularly in the North West and North Central zones, where jihadist terrorists and bandits are active. These attacks have significantly impacted the country’s educational system and the prospects of its youth.

The foremost record of large-scale school attacks, which gained local and international attention, was the abduction of 276 Chibok girls in 2014. However, the attacks on schools and learning facilities in Nigeria have become the go-to option for factions and criminal forces such as gunmen, bandits, secessionist agitators and kidnappers. According to a report, Katsina, Zamfara, Niger, Kaduna, and Kebbi state have recorded the most since school abductions gained prominence in 2014. Attacks on schools have continued into 2024. At the beginning of the year 2024, on January 30, gunmen abducted six pupils and three teachers of a private school in Emure, headquarters of Emure Local Government Area of Ekiti State. Also, on March 8, gunmen abducted about 287 children in Kaduna state from the Local Education Authority (LEA) Primary and Junior Secondary School, Kuriga, in Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State. Some days later, another 15 students were kidnapped from a school in Gada, Sokoto.

Violent attacks on schools have also occurred in the South East. The sit-at-home orders by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) have created an avenue where enforcers assault students and teachers. A report from HumAngle revealed one of such attacks by the sit-at-home enforcers in Enugu who subjected underage children to inhumane treatment. Occurrences in other regions, such as the North Central region, can be seen from the kidnap of four students of the Nasarawa State University on October 10, 2023. The resort to attacks on schools by gunmen and bandits can be linked to grinding poverty levels. Nigeria is increasingly facing a dire economic situation.

There have also been impacts from attacks. For instance, attacks on schools have disrupted communities and families, exacerbating an already dire humanitarian situation in conflict-affected areas. The targeting of schools disrupts educational activities, depriving children of their right to learn and jeopardising Nigeria’s future development prospects. Many schools remain closed or operate under constant threat, impeding access to quality education for millions of children. The trauma inflicted on students, teachers, and communities by attacks on schools is immense, leaving lasting psychological scars and undermining social cohesion. According to the United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Nigeria, attacks on schools are traumatic for children and sometimes lead affected families to withdraw them from education entirely. Attacks on schools result in significant financial losses at the individual and societal levels, as families are forced to forego livelihood opportunities and communities suffer the long-term consequences of disrupted education.

As a response to the April 2014 abduction of the Chibok school girls, the Safe Schools Initiative was launched by the United Nations Special Envoy for Global Education, Gordon Brown, alongside the Nigerian Global Business Coalition for Education and private sector leaders at the World Economic Forum Africa. The plan was to begin by building community security groups to promote safe zones for education, consisting of teachers, parents, police, community leaders and young people. In the longer term, the programme would focus on bolstering the safety of schools – providing school guards and police in partnership with Nigerian authorities, training staff as school safety officers, and providing counsellors to schools at risk of attack.

Based on the gravitas of insecurity, security agencies must supplement efforts by adopting conscious safety plans in schools’ physical structural and administrative planning. This could be through the fortification of structures and constant awareness of emergency action in situations of attacks. Guidance in formulating the security plan should be sought from the local and law enforcement authorities. Also, as attacks on schools persist, there is a pressing need to explore new avenues for safer schools. Developing a comprehensive database to support the Safe Schools Initiative in Nigeria could provide numerous benefits and address critical issues such as resource optimisation, coordination and collaboration. There is also a need to increase security efforts in Nigeria. The Nigerian government must re-establish its authority and monopoly of the instrument of violence. Effective securitisation countrywide will reduce the likelihood of school abductions.

Africa Day, celebrated every May 25, is a poignant reminder of the pan-African ideal—a united continent thriving in peace and prosperity. The day is set out to mark the African Union’s formation and celebrate Africa’s diversity and collective struggle against adversity. However, Africa Day is overshadowed by the loudness of gunfire across the continent. Africa remains beset by many violent conflicts, casting a long shadow over its aspirations for a brighter future. Different regions in the continent have experienced varied forms of armed fighting, leading to thousands of humanitarian tragedies and slow-paced development. As  Africa Day draws near, examining the simmering conflicts that plague the continent is imperative.

In Central Africa, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), a nation of immense natural wealth, remains paradoxically impoverished and on a seemingly unending battlefield. The Eastern regions of the DRC, particularly the provinces of North Kivu and Ituri, are theatres of endless violence. Militia groups, such as the March 23 Movement (M23), engage in brutal skirmishes, displacing thousands and perpetuating cycles of poverty and instability. The Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), one of the deadliest groups, has intensified its attacks, targeting civilians and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. The Congolese government, despite international support, struggles to assert control. On May 19, the DRC suffered a failed coup attempt, further complicating the political and security climate in the country. The United Nations Organization Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) has been criticised for its limited impact, highlighting the need to reassess peacekeeping strategies.

Up North, Sudan’s transition from decades of dictatorship to a civilian-led government was a beacon of hope for many. However, this hope is dimming as violence escalates. The Darfur region, a name synonymous with genocide, is witnessing renewed bloodshed. Inter-communal violence has surged, leading to a tragic increase in civilian casualties and displacement. More alarming is the crisis in West Darfur, where reports of ethnic cleansing and the slaughter of children have emerged. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group, stands accused of egregious human rights abuses. The international community’s tepid response underscores a troubling indifference to Sudan’s plight. Meanwhile, South Sudan, which only gained independence in 2011, descends deeper into a cycle of ethnic violence. Children, the most vulnerable victims, bear the brunt of this senseless conflict. Reports of targeted killings, abduction, and recruitment as child soldiers paint a grim picture. These atrocities demand a global outcry and a resolute international response to protect the innocent.

In the East, Ethiopia, once a symbol of African progress, was embroiled in a devastating civil war. The conflict in Tigray, which began in November 2020, has spiralled into one of the continent’s most severe humanitarian crises. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)  estimates that 21.4 million people are in need in Ethiopia. Both the Ethiopian federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) have been implicated in atrocities, including mass killings and sexual violence. The conflict has resulted in a staggering loss of life and the displacement of millions. The Ethiopian government’s aid blockade to the Tigray region has further compounded the crisis, with famine looming over millions. International diplomatic efforts have so far failed to bring a resolution, and the conflict threatens to destabilise the entire Horn of Africa.

Down South, in Mozambique, the Cabo Delgado province is under siege by Non-State Armed Groups (NSAGS). The insurgency, which began in 2017, has intensified, leading to a humanitarian disaster. The insurgents, known locally as Al-Shabab (unrelated to the Somali group), have committed heinous acts of violence, including beheadings and mass abductions. With support from regional forces and private military contractors, the Mozambican government has launched counteroffensives with limited success. The violence has displaced nearly a million people, creating a dire need for international humanitarian assistance.

In West Africa, Nigeria continues to grapple with various forms of insecurity, from terrorism, banditry and gunmen attacks to farmer-herder clashes and secessionist agitations. Data from Nextier’s Nigeria Violent Conflicts Database shows that 1,257 incidents, 1,878 kidnap victims and 4,377 casualties were recorded in Nigeria in 2023. But these are not just Nigerian numbers but African dreams and hopes cut short by senseless violence. The conflicts have resulted in the displacement of millions of people and a severe humanitarian crisis, with millions facing food insecurity and a lack of essential services. Additionally, the military coups and democracy backsliding in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger and Guinea continue to pose a threat towards the security and political stability in the region.

Beyond these specific cases, Africa grapples with numerous insurgencies, from the jihadist threat in the Sahel to the separatist movements in Cameroon. These conflicts share common threads—competition for scarce resources, ethnic tensions, and weak governance, among others. The economic and social consequences are equally devastating. Millions are driven from their homes, agricultural production is disrupted, and investment is deterred. The African Union’s ambitious “Silencing the Guns by 2020” initiative has demonstrably failed and has been postponed to 2030, highlighting the need for a renewed commitment to peacebuilding efforts. The international community cannot ignore Africa’s struggles. While military intervention should always be a last resort, robust diplomatic efforts are crucial. Supporting regional initiatives like the African Union, ECOWAS, and Southern African Development Community (SADC) and fostering dialogue between warring parties are essential first steps. Furthermore, addressing the root causes of conflict—poverty, inequality, and lack of good governance—is paramount. This requires a multi-pronged approach, encompassing economic development, investment in education, and promoting democratic institutions.

The ideal of a united and peaceful Africa remains elusive in 2024. Yet, by acknowledging the harsh realities of the continent’s conflicts and working collaboratively towards solutions, the international community can help turn that dream into a tangible reality. The time for action is now for the sake of Africa’s present and its future. As Africa Day is observed, the continent’s potential should not only be celebrated but also a commitment should be made to amplifying the voices of those suffering in silence. The world’s attention and robust action are crucial in paving the way for a more peaceful and prosperous Africa.

Nigeria has witnessed a disturbing surge in baby factories. The National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) has expressed concern about the proliferation of child trafficking across the country. The baby factory phenomenon in the country involves the abduction or coercion of young girls and women, who are then confined in facilities until they give birth. These ‘facilities’ often operate under the guise of private medical clinics, perpetrating the illegal trade of newborns. The prevalent areas for these activities include the South East states of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo, where the demand for babies remains high. However, the issue extends beyond this region, with reports from Lagos State (South West) and Rivers State (South-South).

According to the Director-General of NAPTIP, Fatima Waziri-Azi, there have been alarming reports and public outcry regarding the sale of babies and the existence of facilities specialising in trapping young girls, recruiting men to impregnate them, and subsequently selling the babies after delivery. One of the most recent incidents occurred in Umunkwa village, located in the Umuafai Ndume Ibeku area of Umuahia North Local Government, Abia State, where six victims were rescued. The Department of State Services (DSS), Abia State Command, uncovered the baby factory. A sixty-three-year-old woman was apprehended as the owner of the factory.

Despite efforts to combat the surge in baby factories, the clandestine nature of these operations, coupled with the economic and cultural underpinnings, has led to the persistence of these illegal practices. The demand for babies, coupled with the vulnerabilities of impoverished young women, continues to fuel the operation of baby factories in Nigeria. Also, there is a thriving market for babies, often from childless couples.  The surge in baby factories has drawn international attention and concern. Reports of young women being held against their will, raped, and forced into childbirth highlight the grave human rights violations associated with this illicit trade. The United Nations and various human rights organisations have condemned these practices, calling for concerted efforts to address the root causes and provide protection for the victims.

The surge in baby factories in Nigeria is a concerning trend that requires immediate and concerted efforts from all stakeholders, including law enforcement agencies, communities, and the public. It is imperative to increase awareness, strengthen collaboration, and take swift action to dismantle these illegal operations and protect vulnerable individuals from exploitative practices. The surge in baby factories presents a complex and distressing phenomenon, reflecting the intersection of economic vulnerability, cultural pressures, and criminal exploitation. The rise in baby factories is a pressing issue that demands urgent attention and coordinated efforts to eradicate such inhumane practices and ensure the safety and well-being of the country’s vulnerable population.